Longreads + Open Thread

Reading, Books, Information, Monopolies, Holy Texts, Fate, Prices, Media

Longreads

Books

The Powers That Be: There's a particular profile for prominent political Substackers, which looks something like this: they worked for one or more big, credible, brand-name institutions, but couldn't get along with those institutions and eventually struck out on their own. They were also capable of writing at a much higher volume than their publishers were willing to publish, and had some devoted fans with an infinite appetite for their stuff. What did they do before they could just set up shop online, flip the paywall switch, and have a six-figure income? In David Halberstam's case, what they'd do is: work for the NYT covering the Vietnam War, civil rights movement, etc., then leaving to focus on lengthy books, on what went wrong in Vietnam, what went wrong with American automakers, and, in this case, what was going in the most important media companies.

It's always fun to reframe the present in light of what people thought was important a few decades earlier. For anyone of my generation or later, what this book emphasizes is just how much we live in a post-Vietnam, post-Watergate media environment, and what a wrenching shift that must have been for people who lived through it. It is, for example, pretty shocking to see an American president use the FCC to threaten a broadcaster over comedy shows he doesn't like—but in 1965, when CBS ran footage of American soldiers burning a Vietnamese village to the ground, Johnson ordered an investigation into whether or not the journalist who filmed it was a communist. (Johnson knew a thing or two about the media business; in addition to politics, he had a sideline as a very successful radio entrepreneur, in a big market where it got surprisingly generous treatment from regulators and advertisers. From 1952 to 1963, he had a monopoly on TV in Austin.)

There are two ways to explain the format of this book. The first is that it's a media history told through vignettes, each tied to a specific organization. One chapter will tell you about how the Los Angeles Times boosted Nixon early in his career, then you'll get another about the Washington Post's rise from being a parochial #3 paper and vanity project to being nationally prominent. Then you'll read about the steady encroachment of game shows and light entertainment over news at CBS. But the other way to describe it is that the book feels like a work of epic poetry, specifically when it's describing people. There are some people Halberstam loves, simply cannot get enough of. And there are people he hates. Most people are willing to be poetically nasty to someone they really dislike, so there's nothing surprising there, but few people are willing to praise as effusively as he: "though Teddy White was in the best sense a gentleman, he was not what a gentleman thought a gentleman was." On Phil Graham of the Washington Post, "He had only contempt for those who played it safe; life, for him, was something you played almost as much as you lived it. He loved the excitement of it all, moving the pieces; above all, he hated boredom and people who bored him." "[Adlai] Stephenson had a record of regularity without sounding or looking regular." Walter Cronkite: "was, in a field very short on professionalism, incredibly professional, and in a job that required great durability, he was the ultimate durable man." He's not above borrowing a good line from someone else, either: he quotes Alfred Kazin describing Whittaker Chambers as "the only American in The Brothers Karamazov." He just can't stop saying things like this. It feels like listening to Homer ("Sing O Muse of Nixon, the man of twists and turns"), or a eulogy by Al Sharpton.

One of the important changes the book talks about is the role of television, and, within television, that of the imperative to always be entertaining. This has been going on for long enough that it's valuable to look at it from the perspective of someone who saw it happen, because some things we take for granted turn out to be downstream from TV. Television redistributed power, particularly towards the president, who was able to arrange more impressive spectacles than anyone else. If information flows in text form, it gets analyzed and processed before it reaches a wider audience, which makes writers and editors important. But if the big news is a presidential speech, then that is the news, and it's going straight to the viewer. They might hear some excerpts repeated more than others, but that just means that some amount of power got distributed to the speechwriters: if you have a knack for a memorable phrase, there's a good chance that your best lines will be in service of the issues that you, personally, find most important.

The book is also sprawling enough to report on some surprising incidents that don't get too much attention today. Did you know about the time 21 people died during a newspaper strike in Los Angeles in 1910? It happened! Members of a more militant union set off a bomb that killed some newspaper employees who were working late. This gets presented in light of the LA Times' fierce opposition to the labor movement. One can see why this experience might warp their perspective!

The book really gets moving when it starts talking about Vietnam. That's an issue close to Halberstam, and his coverage, then and after the fact, contribute to making Vietnam such a lasting issue: we smoothly transitioned from presidents having to frame foreign policy in terms of this-isn't-Vietnam to candidates getting pointed questions about why they weren't in Vietnam. It's striking that after the Second World War, every president we elected had worn a uniform at some point during that war, and the first one too young to do so, Clinton, started a tradition where if there's a candidate on the ticket who served in Vietnam.

Halberstam's view was that if you were on the ground, you could see that the war wasn't winnable. There were troop commitments that could theoretically win, but they'd be too unpopular domestically to be viable. So it was winnable if you're dividing tons of explosives by square miles of territory, but the case was harder to make when you actually operationalized that—if it's hard to distinguish enemy combatants from innocent civilians, the other side is being unsporting and they're encouraging some very bad behavior from your side, but the fact remains that it's just hard to win. But this is a very self-referential argument, since the people whose coverage made the war so unpopular included Halberstam and his peers. It's a weighty responsibility, and leads to perverse incentives on all sides. The US military wanted to convince the media that this whole operation would work, but it was suddenly possible to beam the horrors of war into living rooms. The rise of television made those wars harder to win—but also created an asymmetry where state-run media are a force-multiplier, and democracies with a free press have added an additional set of checks and balances.

One funny feature of this book is that, for many Diff readers, this book covers one part of the backstory to two big narratives with which they're familiar. One of those is just the broad sweep of American history in the mid-twentieth century, the rise and fall of politicians and coalitions, the complexities of Cold War foreign policy, etc. But for readers who are big fans of value investing, it's a nice retelling of some of Buffett and Munger's careers from the perspective of some of the side characters: you get the story of why the Washington Post had such a big moat, you can see by omission one of the reason Capital Cities did so well (they skewed their media profile to the kinds of stories that wouldn't lead to an angry call from the president), and you even meet some of Munger's LA friends—one member of the LA Times' Booth dynasty ended up with 1.4% of Berkshire when Buffett unwound his hedge fund. So for Buffett fanatics who'd prefer a little more context to one more zinger from an annual meeting, this book is kind of the Ender's Shadow or The Last Ringbearer.

When the book talks about conflicts and personalities, they're all shown as incredibly important to everyone involved. People are screaming, threatening to quit their jobs or actually quitting, making and unmaking political careers, fighting ruthlessly for their goals. You'll meet figures like Kyle Palmer, who took an early shine to a young Richard Nixon, and made him some very helpful introductions. Nixon had many talents, but he wasn't great at handling the press. And many moments in his career were very near misses, where he could have ended up off-track forever. So when Palmer died in 1962, he could have taken comfort that someone he'd chosen was, for a while, one more heart attack away from the presidency, and on election day in 1960, if Jack Kennedy had worked a little less hard (or, Palmer would probably say, if Joe Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson had worked a little less hard on election night), Palmer's protege would have won. Not bad! It made him, for a time, one of the most influential people in the country. When he died, he got a one-paragraph obituary in the New York Times, and he doesn't have a Wikipedia page. It's hard to know what will turn out to matter.

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