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Airlines, Work, I Want My Hat Back, PMC, Slop, Bias, Kakistocracy

Longreads

Books

Kakistocracy: Why Populism Ends in Disaster: Richard Hanania has published two books already, but this one's a bit distinctive in that it happened after he got outed for writing racist blog posts under a pseudonym. There are people who get outed as living, or having led, a double life as an extremist. Some of them completely renounce their views, others get more extreme—if you're going to be unemployable in a normal job, but you suddenly have a big audience as an entertainer, you might as well go all-in. A more common recent response is to just shrug and move on; it just doesn't have the impact it once did. Hanania chose a different path; his views had already evolved since his earlier days (not all to the same degree, as with anyone else who changes their mind), but he's switched from a deeply unpopular belief system with a tiny number of adherents to a belief system that, by construction, is offputting to most people. Kakistocracy is a mix of political analysis, one person's story about how his own worldview changed, and an expert Internet troll's opportunity to tell a lot of stories about how stupid the people who disagree with him are.

There are left- and right-leaning flavors of populism, with significant overlap, but Hanania focuses mostly on the right-leaning side. They're the ones who have been winning more elections recently, and because he has the zeal of a convert when arguing that this is bad news. In one sense, the existence of this book is almost tautological: just about everyone thinks that it's better for national leaders to be smarter than not, but also that given the choice between a candidate who shares their values and opinions and a slightly brainier one who doesn't, they'll vote for the dumber candidate. And if that candidate wins, the losing side will always see that a majority of the voters like their rules both evil and stupid.

On the other hand, it's interesting to ask: why now? Hanania's chapter on this considers a few causes, but ultimately settles on media. When news switched from something that gets created daily to something accessible 24/7, this prioritized stories with lots of interesting drama—sex scandals rather than permitting reform, for example. Social media shrank the average size of the political thoughts people encountered, and that selected for thoughts that were easy to share but didn't necessarily stand up to scrutiny. But even if media has some explanatory power, it doesn't easily explain which side's views take off—or rather, why Guillotines Twitter has had a smaller impact than They're Eating the Cats Twitter. One synthesis is that as parties polarize more on education, intra-party status within the more elitist party starts to look like status contests among well-educated people in general, where clever contrarianism is prized. And that leads to parties making niche or deeply unpopular issues central to their ideology. Which is perfect kindling for populists: when they say the elites are out-of-touch, they're right! Having out-of-touch views is basically a requirement for being an intellectual elite. Plenty of now-mainstream viewpoints started as exactly that kind of quirky, deeply unpopular opinion you could use to show how smart you are. But plenty of those opinions have also gotten discarded.

But one of the points Hanania makes is that populism, especially in its digital-native form, doesn't just make it harder for smart elites to win; he argues that it makes actively worse policies to better with voters in an absolute sense. He compares William F. Buckley's populist sortition ("I should sooner live in a society governed by the first two thousand names in the Boston telephone directory than in a society governed by the two thousand faculty members of Harvard University.") to a system where you're ruled by the 2,000 people maddest at Harvard faculty members. But there are offsetting effects, like thermostatic state capacity: it's easier for a populist government to recruit people to do prudent but partisan things than zany ones, and modern governments are so complicated that the competence baseline for accomplishing anything is high. "Kakistocracy" is literally defined as the rule of the worst, but what you're more likely to get in a modern state is the reign of the worst, whose ability to rule is limited when they're at their worst. Which is still pessimistic, but a little more tempered. It’s a case where no-true-Scotsman is a rule rather than a fallacy: to the extent that your elite is selected for incompetence, it can’t get much done.

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